Tuesday, December 14, 2010

"Not only has the education industry been the site of rapid employment growth, it has also been the site of growing labor unrest worldwide in the second half of the twentieth century. According to the VVLG data, the education industry is one of the few industries that has experienced a rising trend of labor unrest in the final decades of the twentieth century. Moreover, the geographical spread of teacher labor unrest has been far greater than was the case historically for the textile and automobile industries."

-Beverly Silver, Forces of Labor, 115

Friday, December 10, 2010

Unbelievable footage from London yesterday of students fighting back against the cops. Behold the potentialities of the liberation of living knowledge that is the book bloc.

Thursday, December 9, 2010

Another occupation linkdump

Solidarity twitters from UC to Goldsmiths

Statement from the turbulence collective

The call from Paris, via edu-factory

European calling from Uniriot, with concomitant photo of the new British section of the book bloc

If you've got anything good on what's going on in PR at the moment, send it my way.

Edit: British book bloc in action!

Wednesday, December 8, 2010

University for Strategic Optimism at Lloyds TBS [High Quality]

this is what the university looks like.
This is a really interesting article about the place of nonacademic university employees in the current, inspiring wave of student occupations and strikes that is erupting across the United Kingdom, from Leeds to Cardiff to Warwick to Oxford to the University of East London.

I've previously written (and feel like a careerist liberal asshole so noting) about the question of how the student occupationist movements ought to rethink the place of service work and workers as central to university capitalism, and I think the tensions this mute piece points out in the current moment speak similarly to the challenges and possibilities of future organizing.

Widening Participation: "
By Anathematician

Despite frequent declarations of solidarity, protesting students and academics are failing to join forces with non-academic staff. Except when police brutality momentarily unites them - writes Anathematician




read more

"

Saturday, November 20, 2010

department of shameless plugs

Oh, hey, so my first published work as an academic, "The limits of work and the subject of labor history," appears in the brand new book Rethinking U.S. Labor History from Continuum Press.  My essay looks at the racialized and gendered applicability of the term "labor" as a descriptor for selective human activities, and argues that two projects labor scholars should take up are the continual reexamination of both the shifting geography of the boundaries between work and not work and a corresponding shift in who or what ought to be the privileged subject(s) of labor history.  I think my original draft was rather awful, and I think that the revisions process and intervening year and a half have convinced me that the finished project is significantly less awful, though you are of course welcome to disagree, and if folks who read it want to engage me on it, I'd welcome that, though I'm finding the temporality of publishing somewhat disorienting - i submitted the final draft of the essay 15 months ago and have been working on other projects since - a conference paper here, a diss chapter there, and hadn't really thought much about this essay in the interrim until i realized i needed to be able to say stuff about it for a panel Wednesday night.  I should also note that the other essays in the book that I've read are really interesting, especially Dan Bender's article on the senses and the cultural turn.  I'm also looking forward to reading the essay on home health care workers by Eileen Boris and Jennifer Klein.

Today's November 20th.  That makes it the 1 year anniversary of this: At a moment in which the UCPD is pulling guns on protestors, academic neoliberalism continues expansionist coloniality at home and abroad and neoliberal assaults on campus workers, students, and spaces, we need to be inspired by and learn from the struggles of the last two years as we work to build new cycles of whatever. I meant that less in the agamben sense than in the "insert your radical noun here" sense, "insurrection, insurgency, transformation, strikes, resistance, organizing, etc."  They're all problematic and insufficient in one way or another, but also all necessary in one way or another.  Alright.  Solidarity from the purple tendrils of the global network university

NO GOD, NO COUNTRIES, NO YALE!

In honor of the Harvard-Yale game, which I have never been to, and the inevitable flood of nostalgic and slightly jingoistic, though i don't mean to be an asshole, facebook updates from people i haven't seen in at least five years.  Obviously I'm riffing off Ni dieu ni maitre and "for god, for country...", and I don't actually really want to claim secularism as some kind of revolutionary position at this point, when in many ways it's profoundly not and is often complicit in projects like homonationalism and other ways in which folks deploy liberalism to justify postmodern imperial projects like the invasion of Afghanistan.  Plus, I know many great organizers and committed radicals who approach what they do from a (critical engagement with their) religious standpoint, and I have a lot of respect for them.  I also believe strongly in the power of ritual in anticapitalist and antiauthoritarian forms of religious practice, and here i'm thinking of stuff like freedom seders, even though i'm pretty estranged from Judaism - maybe even moreso than i'd like to be.  I should also probably throw in "no bosses," or risk overdetermining the role of the state in relation to the capitalist class whose interests it mediates and regulates.

Thursday, November 11, 2010

postscript: November 11th

this is an addendum to last night's post on the nyu strike and it's transinstitutional valences.

today is November eleventh. before that meant veterans' day, it meant something else. 123 years ago today the anarchist and socialist organizers and leaders of the movement for the eight hour day in Chicago, Albert Parsons, August Spies, George Engel, and Adolph Fischer were hanged.

We ought to remember the haymarket "martyrs," ought to remember Peter Linebaugh's insights about the ways that the gallows, like the prisons, function as instruments of class struggle from above, of labor discipline and primitive accumulation.

also, let's remember Spies' last words: "There will be a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today!"

All We Do Is Work

union-busting law firm Jackson Lewis LLP notices the most recent ruling on grad employees, uses it to drum up new clients or reactivate old ones.

Jackson Lewis's motto is "all we do is work." This is profoundly ironic, given their involvement in NYU's long years of denial that what we do is work, an argument that was always ridiculous, always fraudulent. And it's ridiculous because as an antiworker labor law firm, their work is to bind us to ours, to impose work-discipline, produce fear, to help the boss maintain control, police the workers into submission. "Union avoidance" means violence, whatever you think about trade unionism, business unionism, unionism as a mode of organizing labor. However well or ill fought, there is always more at play in a labor struggle than everyone admits. This is why Joe Leiberman's claim during the summer before the second 2003 strike, that workers "were not asking for much" struck me as so flawed, because he could not possibly know what they were all asking for, because they were not asking but demanding, because by demanding, they were asking for everything, because this minimizing of the scope of what was at stake was always a reactionary project, was never strategic.

"All we do is work" is also a double-edged sword, of sorts - at once the colonization of everything in the Capital V.1 sense, i.e., originary accumulation as real subsumption - everything is work, all we do is produce surplus value, there is no escape - and an unwitting endorsement of expanding the terrain of struggle into new contexts and forms, because if all we do is work, then what does that yield us but yet more ways to strike?

we should all be so despicable



Nina Power on the student occupation of the conservative party headquarters yesterday:

Numbers were massive too, with around 52,000 turning out – more than double the NUS's original estimate. Police helicopters circled above the crowds, as protesters carried giant vultures, carrots, coffins and effigies of Tory politicians. But media reports will inevitably focus on one thing, namely the spontaneous occupation of and protest in Tory HQ at 30 Millbank Tower. Aaron Porter, the NUS president, was quick to condemn the breakaway protesters, describing their actions as "despicable".
As I write, about 200 people have occupied the building, and bonfires burn outside. Some arrests have been made and eight people – protesters and police officers – have been injured. Protesters have broken windows and made their way on to the roof. Twitter reports indicate that some have taken a sofa from inside Millbank and put it outside, with the quite reasonable argument that "if we're going to be kettled we may as well be comfy".
Direct action this most certainly was, the kind writers such as John Pilger have recently been calling for. It is hard to see the violence as simply the wilfulness of a small minority – it is a genuine expression of frustration against the few who seem determined to make the future a miserable, small-minded and debt-filled place for the many.<\blockquote>


Wednesday, November 10, 2010

November Ninth, November tenth

Five years ago yesterday, hundreds of NYU graduate students took to the streets, beginning a seven month strike which was the longest in the history of the US academic labor movement, though recent strikes in Canada have given it a run for its money. we picketed outside of Bobst Library for most of my first year of graduate school, we hauled giant green dumpsters full of gas-guzzling inflatable rat, we screamed at John
Sexton, refused to shake Stimpy's hand, got arrested twice, stormed the library, busted up lobbying day, got divorced and played spin the bottle and became organizers and researchers and jaded and we processed stuff and did shit we shouldn't have and we sat through long meetings, long, long meetings, and we struggled together and sometimes against each other and sometimes we betrayed each other and sometimes we learned how not to.

so many of the posts on this blog form an archive of that strike. some of them are far too boastful, read to me now as naive or dismissive of the many contradictions and conflicts and problems and just plain shit that got fucked up. some of them read now, for me, anyway, as indices of my own ambivalence and my ambivalent position as pseudosalt no one asked for, as transplanted UOCista, as anarchist, as first-year, as useless organizer. As if I felt compelled - as I not infrequently did, to mask the contradictions, to smooth them over, to downplay my fears and my concerns and do what needed to be done because of affective crises, diplomatic necessities, the guilt of the tactless fuckhead inept wannabe. I still feel this call to self-censorship, this reified and alienated regulator of affects, when I blog about stuff i am close to but feel conflicted about. I suppose that's somewhat natural, though I guess, being an American Studiesist, my instinct is to note that nothing is ever natural, or nothing human is only ever natural, more accurately, that my anxieties and ambivalences about how I write about the strike and everything else are conditioned, their limits produced in part, by the social relationships in which I am situated and which I help to constitute, how I lived the strike, how we continue to live in it's shadows even when we don't acknowledge them out of what we understand a's organizing necessities.

Anyway, my point is that the strike has ghosts, Avery Gordon ghosts, something I've written about before, though not posted here, ghosts of Monday night meetings and Frank Hoppensteadt PhD letters and endless department meeting shitstorms and oh so many mustache rides and "scab unions" GHODs and escalation/penis and TL calling the provost wilford brimley and "what makes you think you have the right to hug me" and "you want to take money out of my pocket so I will not tell you my name" and sundry other awesome things AC said in town hall meetings and detached crybaby white virus white supremacist extirpation poison pill missed paycheck captive audience third way proposals ("third way, historically means fascism"- HH) collapsed steward systems anonymous blog posts fights in bars letters cab rides picket lines picket lines ISO RMO cultural capitalist lapdog union busting marxists roll the sausage factory on.

the strike has ghosts, and one of the ghosts is us. we are still here, we endure, we have not let NYU destroy us, we shout at John Sexton in Bobst imperial photoshoots, we march with immigrant workers centers we march on bobst we organize we get kicked out of labs we ask Stimpy about attrition we get far 4ed we work and we practice Moten/Harney theft and try to constitute and undercommons and eat pizza and we meet and meet and meet until

we're still here because of the determination of hundreds of graduate employees not to let the bosses win. we're here because of SV and MWP and TL and JH and RJ and MC and hundreds and hundreds of others who would not let NYU beat us, who kept fighting, kept building. And we're still here because the UAW didn't sell us out, and we're here because we still want power over or power against our work, because the university is in crisis, because we are the crisis, because it's been five years and I have never worked under a union contract and this is the sixth class I have taught and the union I want to build is the union of university labor beyond the university "we carry a new world in our hearts.". because Rana put two and a half years of her life into keeping the union alive, into organizing in new places, into fighting the attempts to restructure us into oblivion.

yesterday was November ninth, the 5th anniversary of the GSOC strike date. today was November tenth, the 69th anniversary of Local 142 of the United Construction Workers-CIO's first strike at Yale University, in 1941. FUE, the UOC, and the greater new haven labor history association organized an event tracing the history of Yale labor from
that strike through '53, '68, '71, '74, '77, '84, '91, '92, '95, '95, '96, '03, '03,'05, and everything for which those numbers stand as insufficient metonym. i am writing a chapter on yale workers in the 70s, so I came up from NYC, and this blog post emerges in nonsmall part from my desire to keep putting the NYU struggle in conversation with the Yale fight.

November 10th 1941 inaugurates 425 college street, local 35 and the organization of the dining halls, Vincent Sirabella, John Wilhelm, Local 34 and everything that Yale clerical and technical workers and food service and maintenance workers built and won together, TA solidarity and two decades of GESO hundreds of thousands of struck hours, insurgent alliances, who knows how many organizing conversations, hard pushes, tough decisions. stake take do.

there are important links between these strikes. there were the five GESOistas who suspended their lives and their work and dissertations to help GSOC strike, the two GSOC rank and filers who went to new haven to organize with clerical workers and cafeteria workers, the busloads of Yale workers who came down Wednesday after Wednesday throughout November, December, January, who got arrested with us and hounded NYU trustees into the toney depths of Fairfield County country clubs, who translated Scott Marxist picketline chants into new idioms and taught many of us what it meant to be organizers. And last and least there's me, who still feels liminal sometimes but precisely because i owe so much to both these trajectories, these histories of struggle and sweat and freezing for a reason.

the university has been a site of labor struggle for a very long time - janitors organized elsewhere long before they organized at Yale. we need to remember that. there never was a university divorced from and free of the labor that makes it possible. what kind of university, what kind of city, what kind of world, can we, in union, create for each other and ourselves?


this is the 1800th post on this blog.



uprising!

quick link to NYT article on today's events in the UK.

Student uprising in london

Saturday, November 6, 2010

MOAR DISPATCHES! MOAR DISSERTATIONIZING! ZOMG!

Well, I'm sort of stuck.  I need to figure out why the 1942 and 1943-4 University of Minnesota nonacademic worker strikes weren't illegal - or if they were, why no one seemed to care.  Minnesota labor law, unlike NY, permits strikes by "nonessential" government employees after a 10-day cooling off period and, in some cases, an arbitration process.  But the Minnesota Public Employee Labor Relations Act only dates back to the 1970s, and a morning and a half's worth of searching has yielded little help as to what the status of public employee strikes was in the period i'm looking at.  Labor historian and lawyer Joseph E. Slater's Public Workers: Government Employee Unions, The Law, and The State 1900-1962 suggests that strikes by public school janitors were very much illegal in the 1930s, yet strike votes recur into at least 1940, and the objections Slater recounts of BSEIU brass to the proposed job actions hinge more on public perception than perceived illegality.  I'm debating submitting a query to H-labor or something.  The point is that neither state labor law nor the WLB - one would think one or the other would have gotten involved - seem to have been pressuring the local against a strike, at least until the governor intervened to end the 1942 strike on the promise of some form of continuing mediation.  Minnesota Governor Howard Stassen's intervention isn't surprising given the role the university was playing in housing and training armed services personnel in the middle of world war II.  Nor is it entirely suprising that the international leadership of the BSEIU, an AFL craft union with historical links to organized crime, also opposed the strike, even if the Minneapolis Central Labor Union supported it.  What's odd is the lack of evidence I've found that anyone was seriously pressuring the union against striking prior to picket lines going up around campus.  Or maybe I am just not looking in the right places, relying too heavily on press clippings, not looking at a wider span of archival press coverage from before the strike.  The Minneapolis Labor Review makes no reference to any such pressure before the strike, and none of the other press coverage of the actual October '42 strike lists any such concerns or any state response to the strike save Governor Stassen's attempt to convince the workers to go back by promising to mediate.

Anyway, If you, dear reader, have ideas about how I might figure out the answers to some of these questions,  I would be in your debt.

Sunday, October 31, 2010

Friday, October 29, 2010

American University in Cairo, on strike.

Custodial workers at American University in Cairo are on strike.  Wages and insurance and other deductions are a major issue - when the company subcontracted to the global food service giant compass, workers had to pay ridiculous percentages of their wages towards "commisions" and insurance.  Now this "proletariat" is still being charges such fees - directly by the university, and workers are demanding to know why.

Here's a petition being circulated via twitter by supporters of the strikers.  It lists the workers' strike committee demands as the following:


  1. Receive a gross minimum monthly wage of 1,200 EGP (which means less than 1000EGP net) with equal pay for all workers who hold the same position. 
  2. Have Saturday as an official holiday for the AUC workers as it is for all those employed in the maintenance, service departments and the administration. If one is to work on Saturday they shall receive overtime pay for their work. 
  3. Receive 200 EGP as meal compensation (or an adequate meal) in addition to the salary. 
  4. Receive annual salary raise of no less than 10% on the original wage of each worker. This percentage is subject to be increased by the administration. 
  5. Receive Social Insurance coverage that includes all the years of service to the AUC. 


AUC and NYU's new campus in Abu Dhabi are very different institutions in very different places, serving very different groups of people.  AUC is not a branch campus of a U.S. higher ed brand - it is a separate independent institution founded by U.S. missionaries nearly a century ago, although it does host hundreds of U.S. study abroad students every semester, and models itself on north american higher education institutions.  I'd be interested to know if the majority of workers at AUC are Egyptian or, as in NYU's new node in the global newtowrk university, originate elsewhere, especially in south and southeast asia.  But nevertheless, what links this strike to the enduring questions that surround the proliferation of satellite and branch campuses and study abroad programs that lie at the heart of the ongoing NYU controversy is the question of how the workers whose labor makes possible the spread of U.S. higher education institutions and models abroad will be treated, how an increasingly global university system exists in relation to the labor of thousands of blue collar low-wage precarious service workers, and what it does to and with their labor in order to reproduce itself and expand its reach.
According to Amin, Brian MacDougall, AUC vice president for planning and administration, had offered to give workers an additional LE200 per month, but workers rejected the proposal.

“Last month I took home LE400," cleaner Ahmed Omar told Al-Masry Al-Youm. "This isn't enough to pay rent and living expenses."
"They kept promising to raise our salaries, but this never happened," he added.
Nasser Sayed, of the university's housekeeping department, said: “I usually get LE650 per month, but now I take only LE500. I’m married and have two kids and I’m in debt, and have to borrow money from people. When I tell people that I work for AUC, they think I get a good salary, but this isn't true.
The student newspaper, the Caravan, has previously reported on worker deaths during the construction of the university's new campus in one of Cairo's mega-exurbs as well as on the poverty conditions which are forced upon campus janitors.  (In the first article, scroll down from the discussion of the deaths to read another interesting article about janitors' grievances and acts of rebellion against Compass.)

If you want to follow the strike, which is set to continue into next week, one way to do so is by checking the twitter hashtag #AUCworkers, where supporters and activists have been posting pictures, links, and updates about the latest moves by the administration and updating the interwebs on the workers' struggle.

Now back to previously scheduled dissertating...

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Apologies for the cryptic nature of the post immediately preceding this one.  As you may have surmised from following the link, the NLRB has remanded our filing from last May back to the regional office, which means we are going to have hearings, and probably, at some point, an election.  So that's interesting.  I'm pretty skeptical of the NLRB election process, but it worked for NYU the last time around, so I'm not ruling anything out.  Of course, back then, the president was a drunkard, now we have an evangellically neoliberal megalomaniac who has publicly vowed to destroy us.  I suspect it will be a much more difficult process to gain recognition a second time around.

Quick thoughts on the decision: who are the "15 people" excluded from the post far-4 restructuring?  We know that the picture the employer presents is wrong on a bunch of levels which I won't get into here because I don't think it's strategic to preview arguments the lawyers might take up later on a random blog that John Beckman might be reading (if you are reading this, please quit, and by quit i mean your job.)  But I have no idea who they're talking about and I have read their initial filing, which, yes, claims that an election to recertify GSOC would interfere with the adjunct unit.  Unbelievable.  Anyway I am wondering if these are the same 15 people who Sexton claimed before the UN were the only people in the world who cared about grad employee labor, or if they're the same 15 people whom Josh Taylor claimed were the only people still on strike in spring '06.  (Our numbers then were, I still believe, significantly higher than that by an order of magnitude at least.)  It must be nice to be so rich you can pull numbers out of your tukhes at random.

Two - in Hayes' dissent, who are these people supposedly excluded under the NYU decision?  Is he talking about the hard science RAs?  As always GSOC UAW has nothing to do with and no control over or culpability in this blog.  More later.

edited to clean up rushed grammar.

NLRB

Here we go.
I was looking through the front material of Historical Materialism 15.1 (2007), at the voluminous list of brilliant scholars and radicals who constitute the journal's advisory board, when I was struck by something.  All of the people listed have a parenthetical location next to their names, e.g., Aijaz Ahmad, (New Dehli), Robert Brenner, (Los Angeles), etc etc etc.  For folks not affiliated with universities, it's the same as those who are - thus (labor notes founder) Kim Moody, (New York) - though last I heard Moody was in the U.K., but the journal is several years old.  There's one exception, a senior scholar in marxist cultural studies and one of my intellectual heroes, who is listed with the designation "(Yale.)"  There are two other instances of this.  Fredric Jameson is listed with "(Duke)", Simon Bromley with "(Open University)".  Bromley's situation is a bit different, since his university is understood to be not fixed to any particular geographical location.  With the other two, though, it's two distinguished Marxist scholars at two very wealthy private universities in two deindustrialized small cities whose economies are now dominated by universities and hospitals.  What does the erasure of New Haven and Durham from Historical Materialism mean?  What does it tell us about the practice and praxis of marxist theory within and without the academy, about the place of the university in radical politics?  As the frontispiece of an issue including Toscano and Vercellone on cognitive capitalism and the general intellect, I think these are actually important questions to take up.  I'd add more, but i have an organizing meeting to run to.

I think, though, that there is a tension here that's a lot like the one I see in this video which is currently making the rounds on the internet among my fellow cognitarians:

specifically I'm interested in the presumed supremacy of mental over manual labor, the differential valuation of cognitive and affective labor explicit in the assumption that there's something horrible and undignified in getting paid less than secretaries and janitors.  It seems to me like what academic workers need to be doing is organizing in solidarity with secretaries and janitors and other campus workers, whether we're fighting the bosses, radically reconstituting the spaces we inhabit, building counterinstitutions, going on strike, or engaging in a wide variety of other kinds of projects, and I think we should be doing all these things at once, combining them and ourselves into new and powerful forms.

Ok, meeting now.

Saturday, October 16, 2010

So, what does the U.S. navy do when there's a general strike at the school it's using as a training ground for soldiers in the middle of a multi-continent war?
Carl Paladino, Lee Abrams...  What's up with these capitalist plutocrats' apparent compulsion to send pornographic emails to their entire fucking companies?  What kind of arrogant shit do you have to be to casually sexually harass like three hundred people with the click of a button?  What does this say about the role of digital communications technology and the construction of the gendered workspace?

Friday, October 15, 2010

dispatches from the dissertating, II

I'm still trying to get a handle on the complicated dynamics between university administrators, military officers, and union leaders, let alone rank and file workers and armed services members during the University of Minnesota's multiple wartime strikes during the 1940s, the subject of the chapter I'm currently working on, but if you'd care for a glimpse of how awkward and complex these relationships were, here's one example, where military personnel berate university administrators for one aviation instructor's lack of access to the mimeograph machine due to picketing service workers.
The union seems to also have been in direct contact with the armed services leadership personnel, proposing to them how the military might conduct bargaining unit jobs with soldiers as scabs during the strike. This, I don't understand at all.

Thursday, October 7, 2010

dispatches from the dissertating.

Yes, this blog still exists.

ar/ has me on the "three pages a day plan", which is more hortatory than prescriptive, or so i fervently hope.  I'm currently sitting in one of the grad employee cubicles in the department of sundry and copious acronyms trying to live up to these expectations with little success today - i've written about a page, but squeezed in some archival research into the origins of BSEU (now SEIU) Local 113's organizing at the U of Minnesota.  In so doing, I came across this article in the January 16, 1931 edition of the Minneapolis Labor Review, which was and remains the organ of the AFL's Central Labor Union (we now call them central labor councils) in the Twin Cities.  It's a craft unionist framing of what folks now call the edu-factory, seven and a half decades before that term came into vogue, having been described elaborated by the eponymous collective and more recently been transmogrified into a book and a most excellent webjournal.  The edufactory - "what was the factory is now the university" - is the articulation of knowledge and labor within the global neoliberal university as the social factory was the articulation of production and consumption, of productive and reproductive labor within and beyond the factory walls during the moment of the crisis of the bretton woods regime, the crisis of state corporatism, the crisis of disciplinary governability.  So what's this paleo-edufactory then, produced by its own moment of capitalist crisis, articulated by a Yale professor half a decade before the first stirrings of local 35 to a Minneapolis audience three years before the Trotskyist teamsters' frontal attack on the Citizens' Alliance's open shop repressive parastate apparatus?  I don't think this is a vestige of the moment Clyde Barrow so ably dissects in Universities and the Capitalist State -- if anything, it speaks more to the kinds of formation Michael Denning describes in The Cultural Front, the "laboring of American culture," the hegemony of a language and consciousness of labor and work among cultural producers and the protocognitarians Henderson describes here.

You'll have to click on the image to see the whole thing, and i apologize for its horizontality.
Minneapolis Labor Review, 1.16.1931

Tuesday, April 27, 2010

"The emperor has no clothes"

The title of this post comes from something NZ yelled yesterday in front of Bobst, itself culled from that horrifically awesome picket sign of Sexton's junk designed by one of the folks from GET-UP.  "Wiz" has an excellent account of yesterday's announcement that GSOC has reached majority yet again and of our demand for voluntary recognition from the administration.  I'm too lazy to add anything other than that if we are really being paid 50,000 a year I am owed over $130,000 in back pay, and I'll take it in installments of tasti-d-lite, ipads, and comic books.  Also, @JohnBeckmanisaLiar, this is only a "puzzle" if you're as stupid as you think we are.

I was going to write something about the "rotting husk of Keynesianism an anonymous commenter on this post once accused GSOC of attempting to resurrect, but all the comments seem to have disappeared.  (I did not delete them.)

Instead, it's worth noting, I think, that today marks the four year anniversary of an earlier declaration of majority which culminated in a huge membership convention at Judson and 57 arrests, including this blogger.  I've been a little less involved this year than in the past, though i am still organizing, but I remain committed to building a just and democratic member-driven union and "taking back NYU" in the streets and the libraries and the third floor cafeterias and the cubicles and carrels and laboratories every day.  Kudos to everyone responsible for yesterday and let's all help Mr. Beckman work through his inability to understand that we, not he, determine who our union is.



Monday, April 12, 2010

More later, but this past weekend's Beneath the University, The Commons conference was exciting, inspiring, and an utterly unique exprience.  I'm still in Minneapolis, heading out to try to find some archives to deal with, but i wanted to post a link to all the video that folks from the nonstop liberal arts institute (antioch in exile) shot of almost every panel, so you can get a sense of just how amazing the conversations taking place were.  I say "um" way too much, apparently.

Monday, April 5, 2010

From the archives

That image is from the December, 1991 issue of The GESO Voice, a publication whose later iterations I became intimately familiar with during the 2001-2003 contract fight and the continuing recognition struggles that bookended it.  It depicts a march of Yale University graduate employees during a one-day strike on December 4, 1991.  (I think this was the first strike by Yale grad students since the 1972 Teaching Assistants Organization grade strike, though I remember reading about some solidarity work by folks during the '84 strike that probably also counts.)

I spent spring break looking through the archives of District 65, an important and powerful NYC union which was, among other things, the precursor to the local that GSOC is now in (it also made several attempts to organize Yale's C&Ts between the late 1960s and 1981, organized New York department store workers in the 1930s, and - and this is why I was looking through the collection - successfully organized Barnard and Columbia clerical and technical employees.)  While waiting for the relevant boxes to arrive, i decided to examine two boxes of material from Yale's TA Solidarity and the early days of its successor, the Graduate Employees and Students Organization, both of which were donated to Tamiment by the labor historian Gunther Peck sometime in the last eighteen years.  In both collections I found some pretty amazing stuff, and my research is still continuing.  In the weeks ahead, I'll try to use this space more frequently to think about what I'm finding and hopefully have some good conversations with readers about what it all means.  For now, I need to put the finishing touches on my conference paper for Beneath the University.  I'm writing about the role of service work in the political economy and cultural imaginary of university capitalism.  I'm having fun, but I'm not sure my intervention's going to be a particularly useful or competent one.  I'll soon dfind out, I guess.  In the meantime. I'll leave you with this.

edit: should note that the second image, from a later GESO Voice is from the 1992 strike, which was a three-day general strike by graduate students, food service workers, maintenance, custodial, and physical plant workers, and clerical workers and technical workers.